|
|
|
|
Meanwhile, public support for British institutions and Anglo-Canadian
culture led Prairie provincial governments to revoke provisions giving separate
language schools to such immigrant groups as the Mennonites. The belief that
unassimilable immigrants were labour agitators and promoters of radical politics
became more fixed with the Bolshevik Revolution in 1918. Many eastern Europeans
and Russians were sympathetic to the Red Russian victory and had long supported
radical, leftist, politics in Europe. Finnish, Ukrainian, Jewish, and Russian
immigrants, in fact, often did support radical political movements in their
homelands. When conditions worsened for Canadian labour as a result of wartime
inflation and strict
|
|
rationing, they supported strike action. The radical political
sympathies of many immigrants would later lead them to support radical political
movements in Canada, such as the United Farmers of Alberta, Social Credit,
and the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF).
As historian Howard Palmer has pointed out, however, the
radical politics embraced by some immigrants did not constitute the "Red
Menace" imagined by many Canadians. Most immigrant groups were internally
divided on political questions, and communist party leaders were often English,
rather than Russian, Italian, or Ukrainian.
|
|
|
|
|
Immigrant Radicals, 1919.
Although many non-British immigrants
sympathized with, and even supported, radical leftist political movements,
British immigrants often were the leaders of such groups. Nevertheless,
native-born Canadians tended to stigmatize "foreigners" (largely
immigrants from continental Europe) as the motive force behind bolshevism
and other radical movements.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|